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 CAST OF CHARACTERS (in Order of Appearance)
Stephen Norris—co-founder Carlyle Group.
Norris was the driving force behind the creation of the company. A mercurial executive, bent on hunting down big deals, Norris ultimately would be forced out of the firm by his fellow co-founders in an acrimonious conflict.
David Rubentstein—co-founder Carlyle Group.
Still the brains of the operation, Rubenstein is widely considered one of the most intelligent men in Washington, DC. His IQ is surpassed only by his tireless work ethic and extensive Rolodex. He is what holds Carlyle together.
Dan D’Aniello—co-founder Carlyle Group.
A former colleague of Norris at Marriott, D’Aniello was brought on board only after Norris personally guaranteed his salary. He is among the more enigmatic, behind-the-scenes members of Carlyle, often serving as a buffer between the more explosive executives.
William Conway—co-founder Carlyle Group.
The son of a quality control guru and former chief financial officer at MCI, Conway is reputed to be one of the finest financiers in the world. His conservative style and waste-not approach would eventually clash with Norris’s larger-than-life personality, resulting in Norris being sent packing.
Frederic Malek—former Carlyle consultant.
This former Nixon aide and close friend of George Bush Sr. ran to Carlyle after a furor erupted in Washington over his involvement in the documented anti-Semitic actions of former President Nixon. He would go on to introduce Carlyle to some big names in Washington, but would later be excommunicated from the firm.
William Barr—former Attorney General.
A one-time law partner of David Rubenstein’s, Barr would help Carlyle, along with Rubenstein, funnel millions of dollars through a temporary tax loophole known as the Great Eskimo Tax Scam, taking Carlyle into the Big Leagues.
Arthur Miltenberger—then chief investment officer of the Mellon Foundation.
As an original investor in Carlyle Group, Miltenberger was among the first to see the potential of an investment bank based in Washington, DC. His early contributions would get Carlyle on its feet.
J. W. Marriott—chairman of Marriott Corp.
The hotel magnate was once the boss of Steve Norris, Fred Malek, and Dan D’Aniello. The influence of Marriott on Carlyle was a pervasive force, and his former employees still utter his name with the highest respect.
Dan Altobello—former chairman of Caterair.
Yet another former Marriott employee, Altobello had the dubious honor of presiding over one of Carlyle’s worst investments ever in Caterair. Like many others, he would clash badly with Norris, and later sell off Caterair at a loss.
George W. Bush—president of the United States of America.
An early hire of Carlyle, Bush was placed on the board of Caterair in 1990 and served for four years, before leaving to run for governor of Texas. His early stint with Carlyle would become a source of controversy later during his presidency.
Frank Carlucci—chairman 1989–2002, currently chairman emeritus of Carlyle Group.
A lifelong public servant, former secretary of defense, former deputy director of the CIA, and more, Frank Carlucci would lead Carlyle into the murky world of defense buyouts in the late 1980s and early 1990s. It is Carlucci’s close friendship with Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld that the press most often seizes on when criticizing Carlyle.
Patrice Lumumba—former president of Zaire.
Assassinated after only two months in power, Lumumba would later become the subject of the film Lumumba, directed by Raoul Peck. In the film, there was originally a scene showing Frank Carlucci plotting the murder of the erstwhile leader. The scene was edited at Carlucci’s request before the film’s release.
Mobuto Sese Seko—former president of Zaire.
Chosen by Americans to succeed Lumumba, Sese Seko led Zaire into decades of famine and war. He remains part of Carlucci’s legacy from his time as second secretary to the U.S. Embassy in Zaire.
Raoul Peck—filmmaker.
It was Peck’s accounting of the murder of Patrice Lumumba that caused an uproar from Frank Carlucci. At Carlucci’s request, Peck edited the scene that showed Carlucci plotting the assassination, but Peck stands by the film’s veracity.
Donald Rumsfeld—secretary of defense.
A former college roommate and wrestling teammate of Frank Carlucci, Rumsfeld and Carlucci are never far apart. The two followed each other through the executive ranks of government, worked for Sears Roebuck together, and remain very close friends to this day.
Caspar Weinberger—former secretary of defense.
As one of Carlucci’s many mentors, Cap Weinberger helped legitimize Carlucci, grooming him to one day become secretary of defense.
Roderick Hills—former CEO of Sears World Trade.
As the CEO of Sears World Trade, Hills fought off allegations of the company being a front for CIA activity and eventually resigned amidst huge financial losses, leaving Carlucci to succeed him.
Earle Williams—former CEO of BDM.
In leading BDM, a highly successful defense consultancy, Earle Williams curried favor with countless Washington, DC insiders, among them Frank Carlucci. Carlyle would go on to buy BDM and make a killing.
Melvyn Paisley—former Naval officer.
When in the Navy, Paisley was in charge of awarding Navy contracts, a task he did while accepting kickbacks from defense contractors. He would go on to work for BDM, then get convicted after pleading guilty in the Ill Wind investigation into corruption in the Pentagon.
Vicki Paisley—Melvyn’s wife.
Also an employee at BDM, Vicki was thought to be the reason that Earle Williams received a highly coveted appointment to the Naval Advisory Board.
Phil Odeen—chairman of TRW.
Williams’ successor as BDM CEO, Odeen would grow the company into a highly successful and diversified consultancy. He was also CEO when BDM employees were targeted in a vicious car bombing in Saudi Arabia.
M. W. Gambill—former CEO of defense contractor Harsco.
The CEO of one of Carlyle’s early takeover targets, Gambill would fight the fledgling buyout firm for control of Harsco, eventually conceding only a seat on the company’s board.
Norman Augustine—former CEO of defense contractor Martin Marietta.
Augustine would go toe-to-toe with Carlyle over the heavily disputed takeover of LTV, an aerospace company spun out of Ford. After a protracted battle, Augustine and Martin Marietta would eventually lose out to Carlyle.
Prince Alwaleed bin Talal—Saudi Arabian prince.
A billionaire international investor, the Prince played a central role in raising Carlyle’s name recognition, both at home and in Saudi Arabia. The Prince would go on to become close friends with Steve Norris, and make enormous investments in American companies.
King Fahd—king of Saudi Arabia.
As the leader of Saudi Arabia, King Fahd hired Carlyle companies to protect him and his family, as well as to manage the Saudi Economic Offset Program, a government-run program that brings foreign investment into Saudi Arabia.
Faissel Fahad—San Francisco lawyer.
This friend of Prince Alwaleed was responsible for making the key connection between Carlyle and the Prince, which led to the $590 million investment in Citicorp.
Prince Sultan bin Abdulaziz—Saudi Arabian defense minister.
According to a financial advisor to Prince Alwaleed, Prince Sultan bin Abdulaziz used Prince Alwaleed bin Talal as a front to invest money on his behalf, among others, in U.S. companies, like Citicorp. Prince Alwaleed denies the allegation.
Henry Jackson—former U.S. senator.
Jackson saw early on the perils of letting private companies contract with foreign governments on military missions. His investigation into Vinnell’s deal with Saudi Arabia revealed a contract fraught with controversy.
Richard Secord—retired Air Force general.
An ex-employee of Vinnell, but better known as one of the IranContra fall guys, Secord drew unwanted attention to Vinnell when he was implicated in trading arms for hostages.
James Baker III—Carlyle managing director, senior counselor.
The former secretary of state under President George Bush Sr. led five different Republican presidential campaigns, and spent 12 straight years in the White House during the Reagan and Bush administrations. He took a position with Carlyle in 1993, and would later lead George W. Bush’s successful battle for the presidency during the Florida recounts.
Richard Darman—Carlyle executive.
The former director of the Office of Management and Budget under Bush Sr., Darman wrangled his way into a position at Carlyle by including himself in a package deal with Baker.
Colin Powell—secretary of state.
A former Carlyle advisor, Powell’s role in Carlyle’s history is a bit of a mystery. Most believe that he merely advised the company while he was not in public office. One of his early mentors was Frank Carlucci, and the two remain close.
Michael Eisner—chairman of Walt Disney.
Eisner was involved with a deal between Prince Alwaleed and Euro Disney, in which Norris negotiated a huge investment from the Prince. Eisner was among the many that found Norris undisciplined.
Antonio Guizzetti—Italian business man.
After meeting Steve Norris in a sauna at a Washington area gym, Guizzetti led Norris and Baker on a wild tour of Italy in search of the perfect investment. Ultimately, the investment they had targeted fell apart when Norris resigned in the middle of negotiations.
Basil Al Rahim—former Carlyle employee.
In charge of raising capital in Middle East during the early 1990s, Al Rahim was the man who introduced Carlyle to members of the bin Laden family, a relationship that would later cause both parties discomfort.
George Soros—Carlyle investor.
This internationally respected investor and speculator helped legitimize Carlyle when he committed $100 million to the Carlyle Partners II fund. The sizeable investment was accompanied by Soros’ public endorsement of Carlyle.
John Major—chairman Carlyle Europe.
The former prime minister of the United Kingdom, Major came on board with Carlyle during a fevered spate of highly political hirings by the company. Since then he has spent time stumping for Carlyle throughout the world.
Paul Silvester—former Connecticut state treasurer.
Silvester is awaiting sentencing after pleading guilty to corruption charges while working as the state treasurer of Connecticut. In his final two months in office, after losing reelection, Silvester invested $800 million of the state’s pension fund in several private equity firms for which he received kickbacks. One of the firms he invested in was Carlyle, which was investigated, but no charges were brought.
Wayne Berman—president of Park Strategies.
A consummate Washington insider, Berman is a major financial backer of George W. Bush, as well as the president of Park Strategies, the company that hired Silvester after he invested Connecticut’s pension funds through his firm.
Denise Nappier—Connecticut state treasurer.
Stepping into the mess that Silvester left behind, Nappier required that all firms doing business with the Connecticut state pension fund disclose their finder’s fee arrangements. After initially holding out, Carlyle disclosed a $1 million fee to Wayne Berman.
Thomas Hicks—founder of Hicks, Muse, Tate & Furst.
This Texas billionaire and George W. Bush backer was responsible for taking the University of Texas’ asset management private and investing the school’s money with various Republican-friendly firms, including Carlyle.
William Kennard—Carlyle managing director.
The former chairman of the Federal Communications Commission (FCC), Kennard approved a highly questionable bid by SBC Communications, a Carlyle client, to enter into long-distance markets days before he left office. Two months later, he landed a job with Carlyle.
Frank Yeary—Carlyle managing director.
A former investment banker at Salomon Smith Barney, Yeary used his extensive connections at SBC to get Carlyle business there.
Arthur Levitt—Carlyle senior advisor.
The former chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) was known for his policy that protected the individual investor and railed against corporate malfeasance. The irony of his current position with Carlyle is less than subtle.
George Herbert Walker Bush—Carlyle advisor.
The former president of the United States of America has been the source of the majority of Carlyle’s controversy. His visits with world business leaders everywhere from Saudi Arabia to South Korea and his repeated influence on American foreign policy make him an easy target for public advocacy groups, who accuse him of influence peddling and damaging conflicts of interest.
Park Tae-joon—Carlyle advisor.
This former prime minister of South Korea was instrumental in securing Carlyle’s extensive business interests in the Korean Peninsula.
Michael Kim—Carlyle managing director.
The son-in-law of Park Tae-joon, Kim runs Carlyle’s Korean operations, and spearheaded the successful buyout of one of Korea’s few healthy banks, KorAm.
Crown Prince Abdullah—heir to the Saudi Arabian throne.
Upset with George W. Bush’s pro-Israel policy, Prince Abdullah received a phone call from the president’s father, George H. W. Bush, reassuring him that his son was okay, and that George W.’s “heart is in the right place.”
Tom Fitton—president of Judicial Watch.
A died-in-the-wool Clinton hater, Fitton caused a stir in Washington when he came out publicly against George H. W. Bush’s involvement with the Carlyle Group. His efforts to obtain documents from the federal government have produced some of the most tangible evidence of Carlyle’s influence yet.
General Shinseki—U.S. Army chief of staff.
In favor of a more mobile and agile army, General Shinseki originally presented the argument that would ultimately kill United Defense’s Crusader, a 42-ton howitzer on wheels.
Andrew Krepinevich—executive director of the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments.
As a member of the Congressionally appointed 1997 National Defense Panel which analyzed military spending, Krepinevich came out against the further development of Crusader, citing the gun’s weight and obsolescence as his reasons.
Milo Djukanovic—president of Montenegro.
In searching for support to pursue independence for his country, Djukanovic lobbied the American government to no avail. But he found an ally in Frank Carlucci, who met with Djukanovic and then lobbied his former understudy, Colin Powell, to consider Djkanovic’s requests.
Frank Finelli—Carlyle employee.
A retired Army colonel, Finelli is perhaps the most mysterious of all Carlyle’s employees. He was instrumental in working with lawmakers to push through incremental approvals of the Crusader program. He has been characterized as a “behind the scenes” type that “works in the dark.”
Shafiq bin Laden—estranged half-brother of Osama bin Laden.
Shafiq is the representative to Carlyle for his family’s investments with the company, and as such, was at the Carlyle annual investor conference in Washington, DC, on September 11, 2001.
Cynthia McKinney—former democratic representative from Georgia.
McKinney was an outspoken critic of Carlyle and was openly ridiculed for voicing her concerns that people close to the George W. Bush administration stood to gain financially from the ongoing war on terrorism.
Chris Ullman—Carlyle spokesperson.
Hired only after the ironies of Carlyle’s bin Laden ties were discovered afterSeptember 11. Ullman has been a busy man, trying to hold back a barrage of negative criticism.
Paul Wolfowitz—deputy secretary of defense.
Recently profiled by the media as the man behind Bush’s war fetish, Wolfowitz is also reported to be the man that killed the Crusader, not Rumsfeld. Regardless, United Defense felt no pain from the cancellation of the program when the company was awarded another contract to build a different gun the very same day.
Louis V. Gerstner Jr.—chairman of Carlyle, former IBM chief executive.
At IBM, Gerstner earned a reputation as a driven executive, directing Big Blue through an unforgettable turnaround, restoring the company’s reputation as a global behemoth. It is anticipated that he will only spend 20 percent of his time on Carlyle, advising on two funds and mentoring senior managers.
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